3:17 PM - 14.10.04
Profiles
Just for your information dear diary, this was my essay on the reasons I objected to providing services to electors based on race. It was sent to the correct Elections Canada official on May 01 - Beltane to you too. I`ve spent the day researching all the different legislation and supporting information for them so that I can respond to Ottawa in a balanced way. I spoke with their help desk this morning and e-mailed them to verify that was the only reason for my being fined. Not a good strategy to shoot from the lip then find out there were other issues too. The contact I spoke with allowed that the strike will begin to affect their work patterns by the end of this week. If an election is called? Then it`s likely we`ll be declared an essential service in all probability.
"As discussed, my Electoral District was assigned two positions; one for the youth and one for ethno-cultural liaisons. I have hired three people and decided to combine the positions and also do the outreach to the aboriginal community through them, for the following reasons. First, the target population(s) for all three areas chosen for the focus of outreach, by Elections Canada, are essentially the same for this community � that is, the largest group of the electors not voting are young adults regardless of any other defining �characteristic� about them. The statistical evidence for that is included in the text of this report.
It was estimated, in a 1996 analysis of the urban aboriginal population in Calgary, that 67%, or 2/3, of that community was under the age of 30. Given the most current information from Statistics Canada�s 2001 survey, 10,500 of 19,760 of those identified are under the age of 25 and the overall median age was 25.9. This is the link to the City Of Calgary community services report should you wish to review it: Stats.
Of the aboriginal and Metis people I know, either as family or friends, the very strong response when I asked for feedback, was that most of them do not vote because they do not recognize the Canadian government as their government. Some conceded that a combined strategic vote of natives as a block might be useful, but also noted that �aboriginal� is not a monolithic entity. Their �community� consists of many nations/tribes each having their own allegiances and divisions (the battle now occurring in Kahnesatake was cited as an example of their own internal issues). The older adults found it insulting that it was suggested in the text of our assignment that they didn�t vote because they found the election process too difficult. It was conceded that there was fear to vote on some reserves, but that is not at issue in this community. Because there is a very high level of mobility, the issue of �ordinary residence� was deemed to be more of a problem. What is the implication of special ballot votes by urban aboriginals with respect to any single reserve, for example. Younger electors expressed less anger at the Canadian governance model, and are more likely to be receptive to the idea of casting a ballot for the first time as a rite of passage into adulthood.
Among the ethno-cultural community, the City of Calgary report on diversity among us includes the information that over 20% of all Calgarians come from visible minorities. 56 % of that number are from an Asian background. In my electoral district nearly 10,000 people out of a total population of over 117,000 (2003 City of Calgary Census) are from the Sikh community. That is estimated to be about 60% of the total Sikh community in Calgary. This number is an important indicator, because it is reflective of equivalent settlement patterns for new Canadians of other heritages as well. As a proportion of the Electoral District�s current population, new Canadians likely make up about 40% of that. This has been a long-term trend that began as this area was being developed. The reasons for that were the availability of affordable housing, a strong sense of community that attracted others of the same cultural background, and support systems that accommodated and included new Canadians as part of the larger community (schools, social services). These things were not as easily accessible in most other parts of Calgary. 2Stats
I have lived in this Electoral District for over 25 years and count my neighbours as friends and colleagues rather than relating to them by their ethnicity or culture/faith, although, of course, it is acknowledged when appropriate. For example, I do not offer food to a person of the Muslim faith during Ramadan. That�s just pragmatism/courtesy, and is no different than respecting the customs of Lent for different Christian denominations. Our common concerns such as the well-being and safety of our families and community quality of life issues have far more influence on our interactions than our differences. Again, when I presented the written part of our assignment to people who I was trying to recruit, it created a strong reaction which reflected my own when I first read the documents. They felt that this came close to racial profiling and they did not want to be targetted based on their �differences�. No one who I felt would do a credible job wanted to take the position as �ethno-cultural� liaison. It is too divisive and negates years of work by our communities to act inclusively in all of our endeavours. This was especially true with the young adults who may be from a visible minority, but who were born and raised in our country. One young lady of Asian descent pointed out that her family had been in Calgary since her great great great-grandfather had arrived here to help build the railroad. She is Canadian and has no desire to be approached on the basis of her ethnicity. In fact, she felt the initiative was demeaning and insulting in that it ignored her value as a whole person, as it focused solely on her skin colour, "place of origin", and physical features. This approach would turn her off voting. I can identify with this particular response, because there was a suggestion at our regional meeting that low income, single parents also be targetted as a group. Since that "defines" my status in a very limited way, I can assure you that anyone approaching me from Elections Canada on the assumption that my voting habits were connected to those two indicators, would likely have several verbal strips torn off them before they were allowed to escape. THEN I'd start writing letters.
In addition, there is a second issue with respect to intra-cultural conflict, that would be exacerbated by going to the �leaders� of various cultural communities as well. For example, there was a very big battle for influence being waged some years back between the �Aquino� and the �Marcos� Filipinos. Neither group would acknowledge or accept the �leadership� of the other faction, in fact they went out of their way to go in the opposite direction. Ditto, for the whole community of refugees who have come from the old political entity of Yugoslavia. That tension is still so strong, that when I assisted in gathering evidence for the World Court trial of some of the Serb leadership after being recruited as a member of the Red Cross�s Survivors of Torture program , there were death threats being issued among and between several of the same �citizens� that were also extended to us and even to our City Council. One man on my street even ordered me not to walk on the sidewalk in front of his house � or else. Among the Sikh community there are several intra-community divisions that have also seen violence. As a Federal Returning Officer I was asked and attended as an observer (with ECs knowledge and approval) one vote for the new leaders of the Sikh temple. Several people like me had been asked to be there to reduce the chance of violence during the vote. The situation was so serious, that there was a strong police presence outside the building in order to further quell the tension. The list of such tensions in this Electoral District is enormous, because we have residents from all over the world and several of those communities are in conflict as I write. The less emphasis on those old battles, including perpetuating those divisions by reinforcing the �authority� of the leaders of all those factions who try to operate in this community by continuing to inflame those divisions, the sooner the refugees and immigrants who have chosen to become Canadians can move forward with building a life for their families here. I wouldn�t mind working in the diplomatic community overseas at some time in the area of peace keeping, but I would rather not be required to do it here by reason of a well-intended but, in my opinion, somewhat na�ve initiative through Elections Canada.
The third issue for new Canadians is that of fear based on experiences they had in their country of origin. Some residents are still afraid to attend polling stations because they ARE government run. Some new Canadians believe that the government from their country of origin monitors their movements and activities here. They fear reprisals against their families �back home� if they �step out of line�. For example, I was co-chair of the local Amnesty International group the year Tianamen Square happened. That night I received a call from a professional who asked if I could come meet them at their office. Upon arrival, I found several exchange students from China in attendance. They had been in contact with their families, some who had witnessed the actions of the Chinese government against the student protestors, and wished to have that information recorded. They were petrified that the contact with me would be found out, which is why they had gone through a third party to arrange the meeting in what they considered a safe, anonymous setting. They clearly stated that they were watched and their families were disciplined for any infractions they committed. They would not even agree to any form of telecommunication with me after the fact. At that time the Chinese government was monitoring even local community newsletters and sending out letters of cammand that any "negative" reporting about their actions cease. They had no regard for the fact that they were intervening in the internal commuications of Canadian citizens amongst themselves and therefore had no right to condemn or threaten reprisal.
There are several new Canadian communities who have identified their perception of this degree of surveillance � whether it is justified or not. Because of the factional nature of governance in some countries, I suspect that there may be some credence that has to be assigned to that. Participating in �democracy� actions here would be deemed unacceptable by some other governments. Another problem with fear, has to do with any interaction with someone designated as a government representative at any level. I have done door to door enumeration in my area since the early 1980`s, for all levels of government. A typical example of what would happen at some front doors can be illustrated by one experience I had. I knocked on one door about a block from my home. As required, I was wearing my City of Calgary Census Taker identification. There were about 10 people - ranging in age from an infant to a gentleman who looked quite elderly - sitting in the front room watching television. They looked up and saw me, but did not move. I glanced down at my clipboard for a moment, then back into the living room. It was completely empty. I rang the doorbell and second and then a third time. (We were required to ensure that our return in our area was 99% complete so I didn�t give up easily). Finally, a little girl of about 10 came to the door. She was shaking and obviously very frightened. I recognized her as a child in one of the classes I volunteered in, in my sons� school. I wrote down my phone number and explained to her why I was there. The next day one of the adults from the home called me. They explained that they had just arrived in Canada from a South American country and that it was common for at least one family member to �disappear� or be killed if the person at the door was from the government. A year later the younger family members were ok with my presence, because I was their neighbour and they had learned to trust me because I worked with their child at school, but the older family never did overcome their fear of government workers. The outreach program is not the best approach, since it is still a government initiative, to reduce that fear of involvement.
What I have done in the past two elections and wish to continue with the added help from my CROs is: ensure that I hire polling day workers who live and volunteer very near to the polling station in question. Reluctant voters will come to visit their neighbours, family and friends. Their sense of safety is significantly increased if they see familiar faces. I keep lists of the languages spoken by various poll workers (part of their intake interview/registration at training) so I know where possible on-site interpreters can be located. My receptionists are from the local community and have developed an �ear� for English spoken with a multitude of accents, so that no one is made to feel inept when they try to communicate with our office. I try to find people from a variety of backgrounds to works in my office so that language and issues of visible differences are less of a challenge. One of my receptionists for example, spoke 8 Asian languages. Last election I also had several young adults as well as people with different disabilities visible in my office, which drew in more people from their own social circles to participate. Those office staff were sent to work in polling stations on election day, both because of their extra training and knowledge, but also because of their diverse backgrounds and abilities. I have translators for most of the major language groups identified for this undertaking just as in prior elections.
I find that most older new Canadians who are eligible to vote rely on their children (the youth vote) to assist them when they come to register to vote. Therefore, the second reason I want to focus on young adults is that in most New Canadian cultures it is the norm for the children to be the �translators� of Canadian institutions and rules to their parents and to help them feel secure/safe in interacting with our institutions. It is critical, in my mind, that that responsibility is acknowledged and reinforced. That is the other reason I wish to focus on the �youth� section of our Electoral district. It likely will have the greatest effect for the investment of our time and effort.
For your information I have provided a link to the City of Calgary�s analysis of the current youth population
Age distribution: Youth. In addition, I have attached a spreadsheet that shows the breakdown of population by age by community for the ages 0-5, 5-14, 15-19, 20-24 and 25-34 from the City of Calgary�s 2003 census as it relates to this electoral district. It appears that approximately one quarter of our voting population falls in this group. Again, young adults are traditionally our greatest number of �no-shows� and they have the greatest ability to reach their parents who are newer to or afraid of our electoral system who are also among those least likely to participate. I feel that the plan I have set out for you will be the most effective for improving both public knowledge of the electoral process and voter turn-out in this electoral district."
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